Soolking feat. Ouled El Bahdja – Liberté

Η καινούρια μου γειτονιά είναι η συνοικία των Αλγερινών, Τυνίσιων, Μαροκινών του Μοντρεάλ. Την περασμένη Παρασκευή, η Αλγερία σήκωσε το τιμημένο το Κόπα Άφρικα και κάηκε ο κόσμος. Στο μεταξύ, όλον τον περασμένο μήνα, κάθε που έπαιζε και κέρδιζε η Αλγερία, βαράγανε από τις καφετέριες την εξής κομματάρα:

Στίχοι:

Paraît que le pouvoir s’achète, liberté, c’est tout c’qui nous reste
Si le scénario se répète, on sera acteurs de la paix

Si faux, vos discours sont si faux
Ouais, si faux, qu’on a fini par s’y faire
Mais c’est fini, le verre est plein
En bas, ils crient, entends-tu leurs voix ?
La voix d’ces familles pleines de chagrin
La voix qui prie pour un meilleur destin
Excuse-moi d’exister, excuse mes sentiments
Et si j’dis que j’suis heureux avec toi, je mens
Excuse-moi d’exister, excuse mes sentiments
Rends-moi ma liberté, je te l’demande gentiment

La liberté, la liberté, la liberté
C’est d’abord dans nos cœurs
La liberté, la liberté, la liberté
Nous, ça nous fait pas peur

Ils ont cru qu’on était morts, ils ont dit “bon débarras”
Ils ont cru qu’on avait peur de ce passé tout noir
Il n’y a plus personne, que des photos, des mensonges
Que des pensées qui nous rongent, c’est bon, emmenez-moi là-bas
Oui, il n’y a plus personne, là-bas, il n’y a que le peuple
Che Guevara, Matoub, emmenez-moi là-bas
J’écris ça un soir pour un nouveau matin
Oui, j’écris pour y croire, l’avenir est incertain
Oui, j’écris car nous sommes, nous sommes main dans la main
Moi, j’écris car nous sommes la génération dorée

La liberté, la liberté, la liberté
C’est d’abord dans nos cœurs
La liberté, la liberté, la liberté
Nous, ça nous fait pas peur

Libérez li rahi otage, libérez lmer?ouma, kayen khalel f lqada’
Libérez ceux qui sont otages, nous, c’est tout c’qu’on a
On a que la liberta
W ?na homa l’ibtila’, ah ya ?oukouma, w nnar hadi ma tetfach
Ceci est notre message, notre ultima verba
Soolking w Ouled El Bahdja

La liberté, la liberté, la liberté
C’est d’abord dans nos cœurs
La liberté, la liberté, la liberté
Nous, ça nous fait pas peur

Για μετάφραση, εδω.

Και ένα επιπλέον διαμαντάκι που έμαθα: ο κορμός του Αλγερινού στρατού στον πόλεμο της ανεξαρτησίας από τη Γαλλία ήταν στρατιωτικοί που οι Γάλλοι είχαν στείλει να πολεμήσουν στο Βιετνάμ (πριν γίνει το Βιετνάμ της Αμερικής, το Βιετνάμ ήταν το Βιετνάμ της Γαλλίας). Πήγαν οι ανθρώποι, μάθαν από τους Βιετναμέζους πώς να πιάνεις μαλάκες τους αποικιοκράτες, επέστρεψαν στην Αλγερία και τσαααακ. Έβγαλε η Γαλλία τα ματάκια της με τα χεράκια της 🙂

Advertisements
Soolking feat. Ouled El Bahdja – Liberté

Bonapartism

Untitled

Detail from Jacques-Luis David’s The Coronation of Napoleon. At the back of the crowd of courtiers, clergymen, dignitaries, behind even the self-portraits of the painter, his family and friends that stand in the shadow, at the very very back close to the exit: the People. Privileged and grateful to be present at Napoleon’s finest hour: Bonapartism.

Bonapartism

Send Julian Assange to Sweden!

When the hole thing began back in 2010 and 2012 I took some bad positions on the topic of the allegations against Assange. Then #MeToo happened and educated people like me that we should first believe survivors of sexual abuse, and then the whole Putin and Trump connection made Assange much less of a martyr in my eyes. Regardless, the last thing I would want is for him to be extradited and tried in the US. Well, “Julian Assange: Sweden considers reviving rape inquiry” is the best headline of 2019 so far. It would in fact be absolutely hilarious, ironic and downright intersectionally magnificent if Sweden managed to get its hands on Assange first, on the rape charges and inadvertently ending up shielding him from USA persecution.

Send Julian Assange to Sweden!

Vlad Taneev’s speech in Kim Stanley Robinson’s “Blue Mars”.

Transcript and intro by Claybird:

Here is a small excerpt from Kim Stanley Robinson’s book, “Blue Mars”. In my paper back it goes from pages 142 to 147.
The “metanationals” referenced are super-large corporations that generally exceed the power and economic scope of nation-states within the Mars-trilogy reality. The “underground” referenced is a sort of shadow society made up of radical elements within Martian society trying to live apart from the former capitalist society. The excerpt is from a section of the book where a huge congress/symposium is taking place to create a new Martian constitution/government.
When you see “… …” it is because I have removed sections only really relevant to the book and not the main ideological push of the section presented.

“What you said about government and business is absurd,” he stated coldly. It was a tone of voice that had not been heard much at the congress so far, contemptuous and dismissive. “Governments always regulate the kinds of business they allow. Economics is a legal matter , a system of laws. So far, we have been saying in the Martian underground that as a matter of law, democracy and self-government are the innate rights of every person, and that these rights are not to be suspended when a person goes to work. You.”—he waved a hand to indicate he did not know Antar’s name—“do you believe in democracy and self-rule?”
“Yes!” Antar said defensively.
“Do you believe in democracy and self-rule as the fundamental values that government ought to encourage?”
“Yes!” Antar repeated, looking more and more annoyed.
“Very well. If democracy and self-rule are the fundamentals, the why should people give up these rights when they enter the workplace? In politics we fight like tigers for freedom, choice of residence, choice of what work to pursue—control of our lives, in short. And then we wake up in the morning and go to work, and all those rights disappear. We no longer insist on them. And so for most of the day we return to feudalism. That is what capitalism is—a version of feudalism in which capital replaces land, and business leaders replace kings. But the hierarchy remains. And so we will handover our lives’ labor, under duress, to feed rulers who do no real work.”
“Business leaders work,” Antar said sharply. “And they take the financial risks—”
“The so-called risk of the capitalist is merely one of the privileges of capital.”
“Management—”
“Yes yes. Don’t interrupt me. Management is a real thing, a technical matter. But it can be controlled by labor just as well as by capital. Capital itself is simply the useful residue of the work of past laborers, and it could belong to everyone as well as the few. There is no reason why a tiny nobility should own the capital, and everyone else therefore be in service to them. There is no reason they should give us a living wage and take all the rest that we produce. No! The system called capitalist democracy was not really democratic at all. That is why it was able to turn so quickly into the metanational system, in which democracy grew ever weaker and capitalism ever stronger. In which one percent of the population owned half the wealth, and five percent of the population owned ninety-five percent of the wealth. History has shown which values were real in that system. And the sad thing is that all the injustice and suffering caused by it were not at all necessary, in that the technical means have existed since the eighteenth century to provide the basics of life to all.
“So. We must change. It is time. If self-rule is a fundamental value, if simple justice is a value, then they are values everywhere, including in the work place where we spend so much of our lives. That was what was said in point four of the Dorsa Brevia agreement. It says everyone’s work is their own, and the worth of it cannot be taken away. It says that the various modes of production belong to those who created them, and to the common good of the future generations. It says that the world is something we all steward together. That is what it says. And in our years on Mars we have developed an economic system that can keep all those promises. That has been our work these past fifty years. In the system we have developed, all economic enterprises are to be cooperatives, owned by their workers and by no one else. They hire their management, or manage themselves. Industry guilds and co-op associations will form the larger structures necessary to regulate trade and the market, share capital, and create credit.”
Antar said scornfully, “These are nothing but ideas. It is utopianism and nothing more.”
“Not at all.” Again Vlad waved him away. “The system is based on models from Terran history, and its various parts have all been tested on both worlds, and have succeeded very well. You don’t know about this partly because you are ignorant, and partly because metantionalism itself steadfastly ignored and denied all alternatives to it. But most of our microeconomy has been in successful operations for centuries in the Mondragon region of Spain. The different parts of the macroeconomy have been used by the pseudo-metanat Praxis, in Switzerland, in India’s state of Kerala, in Bhutan, in Bologna Italy, and in many other places, including the Martian underground itself. These organizations were the precursors to our economy, which will be democratic in a way capitalism never even tried to be.”…

…Antar’s objections did not seem like much. Metanational capitalism’s track record at this point did little to support it; in the last century it had precipitated a massive war, chewed up the Earth, and torn its societies apart. Why should they not try something new, given the record?
Someone from Hiranyagarba stood and made an objection from the opposite direction, noting that they seemed to be abandoning the gift economy by which the Mars underground had lived.
Vlad shook his head impatiently. “I believe in the underground economy, I assure you, but it has always been a mixed economy. Pure gift exchange coexisted with a monetary exchange, in which neoclassical market rationality, that is to say the profit mechanism, was bracketed and constrained by society to direct it to serve higher values, such as justice and freedom. Economic rationality is simply not the highest value. It is a tool to calculate costs and benefits, only one part of a larger equation concerning human welfare. The larger equation is called a mixed economy, and that is what we are constructing here. We are proposing a complex system, with public and private spheres of economic activity. It may be that we ask people to give, throughout their lives, about a year of their work to the public good, as in Switzerland’s national service. That labor pool, plus taxes on private co-ops for use of the land and its resources, will enable us to guarantee the so-called social rights we have been discussing—housing, health care, food, education—things that should not be at the mercy of market rationality. Because la salute non si paga, as the Italian workers used to say. Health is not for sale!”…

… “So nothing will be left to the market,” Antar said.
“No no no,” Vlad said, waving at Antar once more irritably than ever. “The market will always exist. It is the mechanism by which things and services are exchanged. Competition to provide the best product at the best price, this is inevitable and healthy. But on Mars it will be directed by society in a more active way. There will be not-for-profit status for vital life-support matters, and then the freest part of the market will be directed away from the basics of existence towards non-essentials, where venture enterprises can be undertaken by worker-owned co-ops, who will be free to try what they like. When the basics are secured and when the workers own their own businesses, why not? It is the process of creation we are talking about.”
Jackie, looking annoyed at Vlad’s dismissals of Antar, and perhaps intending to divert the old man, or trip him up, said, “What about the ecological aspects of this economy that you used to emphasize?”
“They are fundamental,” Vlad said. “Point three of the Dorsa Brevia states that the land, air, and water of Mars belong to no one, that we are the stewards of it for all the future generations. This stewardship will be everyone’s responsibility, but in case of conflicts we propose strong environmental courts, perhaps as part of the constitutional court, which will estimate the real and complete environmental costs of economic activities, and help to coordinate plans that impact the environment.”
“But this is simply a planned economy!” Antar cried.
“Economies are plans. Capitalism planned just as much as this, and metanationalism tried to plan everything. No, an economy is a plan.”
Antar, frustrated and angry, said, “It’s simply socialism returned.”
Vlad shrugged. “Mars is a new totality. Names from earlier totalities are deceptive. They become little more than theological terms. There are elements one could call socialist in this system, of course. How else remove injustice from economy? But private enterprises will be owned by their workers rather than be nationalized, and this is not socialism, at least not socialism as it was usually attempted on Earth. And all the co-ops are businesses—small democracies devoted to some work or other, all needing capital. There will be a market, there will be capital. But in our system workers will hire capital rather than the other way around. It’s more democratic that way, more just. Understand me—we have tried to evaluate each feature of this economy by how well it aids us to reach the goals of more justice and more freedom. And justice and freedom do not contradict each other as much as has been claimed, because freedom in an unjust system is no freedom at all. They both emerge together. And so it is not so impossible, really. It is only a matter of enacting a better system, by combining elements that have been tested and shown to work. This is the moment for that. We have been preparing for this opportunity for seventy years. And now that the chance has come, I see no reason to back off just because someone is afraid of some old words. If you have any specific suggestions for improvements, we’ll be happy to hear them.”

Vlad Taneev’s speech in Kim Stanley Robinson’s “Blue Mars”.

Τανγκό του Μοντρεάλ

IMG_20180803_094304.jpg

Επτάμισι το πρωί στο μετρό του Μοντρεάλ
είναι γεμάτο μετανάστες
ξυπνάει νωρίς νωρίς
ο κόσμος αυτός

αν η γέρικη καρδιά της πόλης
χτυπάει λοιπόν ακόμα,
χάρη σ’ αυτούς είναι

η γερασμένη καρδιά της πόλης
με τους σπασμούς της
τα εμφράγματά της
τις αρρυθμίες της
και όλα της τα ψεγάδια

και όλους τους λόγους του κόσμου που θα είχε
να σταματήσει
να τα παρατήσει

Ζεράλντ Γκοντέν, συλλογή Σαρζέν, 1983
(κουτσοαπόδοση στα Ελληνικά από μένα)

Όταν έγραψε αυτό το ποίημα, ο Γκοντέν ήταν Υπουργός Μετανάστευσης στην κυβέρνηση του Ρενέ Λεβέκ, του πρώτου πρωθυπουργού του Κεμπέκ προερχόμενου από το αποσχιστικό Parti Québécois. Νωρίτερα, κατά τη διάρκεια της Κρίσης του Οκτώβρη, ο Γκοντέν ήταν ανάμεσα στους σχεδόν 500 κεμπεκουά πατριώτες που φυλακίστηκαν από την κυβέρνηση του Πιερ Τρουντώ ως ύποπτοι για συνεργασία με το FLQ.

Άκου τώρα, Υπουργός Μετανάστευσης, προερχόμενος από εθνικοπατριωτικό κόμμα να γράφει τέτοια, ε;

Τανγκό του Μοντρεάλ